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Saturday, February 24, 2024

In the line of fire – TVN24

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What could have been a chronicle of the announced death of PiS’s dreams of obtaining money from the Reconstruction Fund, quite unexpectedly turned into a long-unseen party-parliament showdown with sudden twists, declarations of loss of trust and allegations of treason. Last week’s vote and saving the government’s plans by the opposition may (although it does not have to) be an important point on the map of pre-election reshuffles and the formation of campaign narratives. And who knows if it will not have the strength to build a legend similar to the one that still accompanies the failed presidential debate in Końskie, about which you can still hear in the political world: “and if Trzaskowski had gone there then, he would have won these elections ….” .

Piasecki’s perspective” is a series in which we publish the comments of our journalist Konrad Piasecki.

When on Wednesday morning I saw a slightly pale opposition politician, who, still uncertain and based on rumors, was saying “supposedly Tusk ordered to abstain from voting if the amendments are passed”, I thought that, like the announcement of the creation of a united opposition front, which has a prepared voting plan court laws, this front does not seem to me to be too tight, and this plan – too well-coordinated. And although today it is impossible to determine with absolute certainty what was decided “hard” among the four opposition parties, and what was to be determined just before the vote, it clearly did not go as it was supposed to, and to the surprise of many – in the face of lack of agreement within the ruling camp – it was the abstaining votes of part of the opposition that decided that the court bills did not end up in the bin, but in the Senate.

What was happening in the Sejm had a dimension from which we were somewhat used to. Here, on Wiejska Street, for a dozen or so hours, a fairly normal parliamentary game returned. Nothing was certain, everyone was playing a game, and the division lines did not run along the traditional barricade, but crossed and built unexpected alliances. For the first time in a long time, there was more pragmatism and cold calculation in the Sejm, especially in KO, than passionate parliamentary debates and using arguments from the arsenal of black and white, democracy-authoritarianism or free courts vs. PiS courts. And it was above all this cold calculation that made most of the opposition get off the firing line and put themselves in the position of those who are not the main brake on getting money.

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I do not undertake to decide which of the attitudes – whether the (at least seemingly) idealistic-fundamentalist Poland 2050 and individual members of the Left and the KO, or the pragmatic and sanctimonious approach of the rest of the opposition – was tactically and especially morally right. Because it was a big dilemma. And each of his solutions had as many strengths as weaknesses. However, it is impossible not to notice that the whole story could have been dealt with differently from the opposition’s point of view and strategic decisions had to be made at the beginning of the game, and not five minutes before its end. If the opposition, instead of blaming the law, proclaiming to all and sundry that it is unconstitutional and that it does not like it, from the very beginning argued that what Szynkowski vel Sęk brought from Brussels was a white flag and a failure of the ruling camp, that the independence test was a fulfillment postulates of the judicial circles and their great success, and that, although the Supreme Administrative Court in the role of a disciplinary court is at least controversial, but acceptable, abstaining from voting would look completely different. If, on the other hand, she calculated that any help in obtaining money for the KPO is shooting herself in the foot, and therefore (of course, with a song on her lips that there can be no compromise in the fight for the rule of law), everything should be done to ensure that the divided camp of the power of law did not pass it – it was necessary to consistently strive for it and give the rulers such hard conditions of support that they would either have to actually announce a retreat along the entire line, or fall down again.

Meanwhile, the law was complained about and criticized, but when it came down to it, the fear of becoming a shooting target for the government’s propaganda machine meant that, without adopting any of the amendments, three out of four parties reached out to the government and EU money and removed – at least this is what it looks like at the moment – a topic convenient for the opposition about the government’s inefficiency in the fight for KPO from the campaign agenda. This could be an important moment for everything that happens over the next 10 months. Possibly having a significant impact on the outcome of the election. The decision to give the green light to the KPO by the opposition will probably become the subject of numerous post-election debates about whether it was worth doing so and avoiding the PiS pillory on this front, or whether it was a mistake, because Morawiecki et consortes, having won the money, they will announce their own success, and they will still have such avalanches of grievances against the opposition that one more, one less will not matter anyway.

Whether this success will remain an open question PIS will actually celebrate. Because although there are signals from Brussels that it would like to start paying Poland euros, the road to them will not be so easy. Reef is still on the horizon at least a few more. The Senate’s amendments to the bill will probably be rejected by the power camp, this time in solidarity (although if the Ziobrists wanted to be very Machiavellian, they could wash their hands and abstain from voting, which would mean that the bill Andrzej Duda even more tasteless). But even the act in its original version has already received many criticisms from the president himself and, even more strongly, from his entourage. In Krakowskie Przedmieście, the dilemma of signing or not signing will be a gigantic dilemma. And although it is difficult to imagine Andrzej Duda in the role of the only person holding back the flow of money, it is also not easy to conjure up the image of a president who, having said everything he said, will carelessly sign the bill. And since there are still a few milestones to be passed, and PiS’s enthusiasm for some of them is weak, all this will take some time, and even ten months left to the election may not be enough to the European Commission finally she whispered “yes” to Poland and pressed the enter button, which started the first transfer.

Konrad Piasecki – radio and television journalist, historian. He conducted interviews on RMF FM radio in the “Kontrwywiad RMF” broadcast and on Radio ZET in the broadcast “Gość Radio ZET”. For 10 years he was the host of the program “Piaskiem po eyes”. In 2015, he was named “Journalist of the Year” of the “Press” monthly. On TVN24, Konrad Piasecki also hosts the programs “Rozmowa Piaseckiego” and “Kawa na Ława”.

Main photo source: Piotr Mizerski/TVN



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