Even if PiS loses the government, it will not mean that it will completely lose power in the state. The key institutions will still be staffed by his nominees – the national prosecutor, the Constitutional Tribunal, the National Council of the Judiciary, the Supreme Court, the National Bank of Poland, the Polish Financial Supervision Authority, the National Broadcasting Council and the National Media Council.
The Polish Financial Supervision Authority has a new/old chairman. Jacek Jastrzębski was appointed for another five years by the outgoing government. – Annual budget PLN 0.5 billion. 1,400 people employed. It manages the capital market, financial market, insurance market, banking market and pension market – says Professor Marian Noga, economist and former member of the Monetary Policy Council. This nomination is abuse and sabotage – we hear. – They wanted to freeze the institution and impede the functioning of the state – emphasizes Barbara Nowacka, MP from Inicjatywa Polska.
The Polish Financial Supervision Authority, the National Prosecutor’s Office, the National Bank of Poland, the Constitutional Tribunal, part of the Supreme Court, the National Council of the Judiciary, the National Media Council – these are just some of the institutions where the outgoing government has influence or directly controls. There is also President Duda.
The new majority in the Sejm may bring Adam Glapiński, the head of the National Bank of Poland, before the State Tribunal. PiS protests. – This is extremely irresponsible – emphasizes Artur Soboń, PiS MP.
It is worth remembering that the president of the State Tribunal is the first president of the Supreme Court, Małgorzata Manowska – once a subordinate of Zbigniew Ziobro – appointed by Andrzej Duda as a neo-judge. As she assured recently, she does not intend to undergo any verification. – We don’t have a magic wand to come in, take power, and make a noise – admits Agnieszka Dziemianowicz-Bąk, an MP from the New Left.
Differences of interests
Andrzej Duda himself opposes the verification of judges. Attempts at statutory changes in the Supreme Court or the National Council of the Judiciary are a very possible presidential veto. – The president’s exclusive prerogative is to appoint judges – emphasizes Piotr Ćwik from the president’s office.
The dismissal of the national prosecutor also takes place with the consent of the president. Dariusz Barski, a trusted colleague of Zbigniew Ziobro, holds this position with extensive competences. Apparently he is considering leaving and does not want to remain in office. – Contrary to certain social expectations, contrary to the electoral verdict, because people also expect changes in the prosecutor’s office – emphasizes Jarosław Onyszczuk, a prosecutor from the “Lex Super Omnia” Prosecutors’ Association.
One political option expects the prosecutor’s office to hold PiS to account. The second – on the contrary – lack of settlements. It’s a difficult situation. In general, the president should not have the final say in the matter of the national prosecutor, we hear. – It goes beyond his constitutional competences – emphasizes Jarosław Onyszczuk. However, the decision is made by the Constitutional Tribunal, entirely composed of judges elected by PiS MPs.
The Sejm, by way of a resolution, could possibly dismiss only three so-called double judges – we hear. Julia Przyłębska’s term of office ends in December 2024. Bogdan Święczkowski – another friend of Zbigniew Ziobro’s in this history – has a term as a Constitutional Tribunal judge until 2031.
Main photo source: Piotr Nowak/PAP